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Family Drug Courts (continued)
Although the FDC process has many features, that at first glance appear to be comprehensive in nature, it appears that attention to children is relegated to simply finding childcare or temporary placement through child welfare workers. A great deal of emphasis is placed on the parents who abuse substances, particularly AOD treatment, which is critical to stabilizing the family. Children are affected by drug usage in no small number. One recent estimate is that 11% of all US children are living with parents who are in need of AOD treatment (Kinney, 2000, p. 217). And as Kinney (2000) states, regarding a shortcoming of AOD treatment programs, "what cannot be emphasized too strongly is that children must not be "forgotten" or left out of treatment" (p. 310). Another problem with the FDC process is that program parents will not necessarily always agree to participate. And even if they do agree, child welfare workers have just fifteen months to establish whether or not parental rights will be terminated (federally mandated by the 1997 Adoption and Safe Families Act). Simply removing a child from the home (or threatening to do so), offering rewards and incentives, and imposing consequences to the parents, may not fully combat the powers of substance abuse, particularly if addiction is involved. Drug addiction and alcoholism are powerful complexities that can lead users back to their chemicals, even when doing so would appear virtually insane. And while it may seem extreme to suggest that people would lose their children before discontinuing their substance usage "there are many situations which arise out of the phenomenon of craving which cause…[people]…to make the supreme sacrifice rather than continue" (Alcoholics Anonymous, 1976, The doctor's opinion, p. 28). The Eclectic View
More than ten years ago LeRoy Pelton (1992) stressed that a new approach to child welfare issues was critical so that the system could be changed. Pelton (1992) states, "the current public child welfare system is inherently dysfunctional. A fundamental restructuring of the system will be necessary before it can accommodate any large-scale expansion" (p. 289). He argued that the system needed to shift its focus from that of placement, and move to prevention. "Child welfare agencies [should] be transformed into family preservation agencies" (Pelton, 1992, p. 296) and stripped of all investigative and foster care practices. In essence, no longer would workers pursue child abuse investigations, nor would they perpetuate the placement of children into foster care, but energies and monies would be utilized for supportive services. Ultimately the child welfare system, under the transformed Pelton proposal, would be divided into three main agencies: 1) family preservation and supportive services, 2) child placement and foster care services and 3) abuse and neglect investigations. All three components would operate from similar perspectives, in that providing services (versus investigations and punishment) would be the goal. Pelton stressed the importance of a strengths perspective; in that the child welfare threesome would focus energies on helping families succeed, in part, by providing increased concrete services (p. 294). In more recent times, others have also called for "efforts at overall transformation and reform" (Whittaker & Maluccio, 2002, p. 2) for child welfare. Prevention efforts, calculated and judicious placement strategies, child protective services, children and families agencies, an expansive interpretation of family preservation efforts, inclusion of parents in treatment planning, a high degree of value placed upon quality of care - not quantity of care, and in-home supportive services are all presented as ideal in a newer and broader interpretation of a better child welfare system (Whittaker & Maluccio, 2002). The goal is to glean the assets of several existing child welfare areas and programs, combine them, and in the end develop a system that is more effective. And while the eclectic suggestion would appear to be ideal, it is easy to propose a new concept even where little or no research exists to support an alternative. Whether the suggestion for the reorganization of child welfare was made eleven years ago, or one year ago, or today's suggestion of an adult welfare system, at issue is what data exists to support the call for reformation. Certainly there exists a great deal of research that dissects existing child welfare programs, and finds faults with a great deal of the system as a whole, but too there is evidence that the current system is doing some things right. And not everyone agrees that the system is failing, or that it needs changing. Suggesting a new and more diverse system, one that pools the benefits of numerous programs under one new structure, is much easier said than done. And no one can underestimate the consequences of making an error in devising a new system; often a child's very life is at stake. Are the unknown possibilities worth the risk?
Other Factors
Quality Control and Monitoring
Many state run child welfare systems, protective service teams, foster care services, and child-placing agencies, lack a monitoring and policing authority. The data regarding states that utilize watchdog programs reveal that only 13 have developed such mechanisms (Bearup, 1999). In other words, on a national scale, 74% of state child service agencies do not have independent monitoring mechanisms to ensure quality control measures for America's abused children (Florida falls into this category). The data from the Bearup study, which included 443 case histories from just one state, identified numerous other child welfare problems. The areas of concern included: the lack of supervision in 50 cases, non-compliance in 173 cases, "deficient" communication in 129 cases, "lack of medical knowledge" in 117 cases, 209 cases in which administrative acts led to real or potential harm to children, and investigative practices were labeled as "problematic" in 216 cases (Bearup, 1999). Ultimately, in the 443 case histories there were a total of 894 problems identified indicating that in many situations two or more problems actually existed, for each abuse/neglect case.
Follow-up
In review of research related to child welfare programs a consistent and alarming pattern emerges: that long term follow up on system children into adulthood is almost non-existent, and that possibly no research exists that is reliably generated via scientific methodologies to indicate success or failure for existing programs (Reddy, 1997). In fact, the Reddy (1997) study attempted to gather data from 1974 through 1996 and found that "only one study has examined the relationship between…program characteristics and program outcomes" (p.2). While the Reddy research spanned some 22 years of data (quite possibly the first of its kind), pooled some 40 different articles, included 12,282 subjects, and included six infant and preschool investigations, nine child studies, nine adolescent investigations and 16 combined child/adolescent studies, even it fails to address long term outcomes for the youth it studies. A key missing component of the Reddy study is that it only assesses a change in educational, vocational, emotional, behavioral adjustment, and placement stability for youth in the system. It does not address those who have left the system. According to Reddy's research, only three of 40 investigations included aftercare services (p. 6), where the true nature of program success can effectively be measured. The Reddy study acknowledges that much of the data used to reach its conclusions, was missing key components; 60% of the literature lacked the use of published measuring devices, 80% of the articles lacked the use of control groups, and 73% failed to use statistical tests to evaluate the impact of treatment (p. 3). So besides the fact that valid and reliable research is hard to come by, "data on the long-term outcomes of children reared within the child welfare system are sparse" (Berrick, Barth, Needell, & Jason-Reid, 1997, Long-term outcomes section, para. 1).
Academic Differences
One research document addressed the educational aftereffects of children who leave the child welfare system. The study identifies the significant differences between foster care youth and non-foster care youth, relative to their academic performances (Blome, 1997). The research reveals that foster care youth perform at a lower level compared to their non-foster care counter-parts, in numerous areas, particularly in higher education. The overall findings of the study show weaknesses in foster care youth when compared to their contemporaries; as many as 67% were performing below grade level, 67% repeated one or more grades, and only 39% ever completed high school, whereas 86% of the comparison group did finish. The fact that the control group outperforms the foster care group and the fact that foster care youth tend to not go to college suggests that these outcomes leave something to be desired. The majority of the inequities found in the two groups are attributed to the fact that most foster children undergo several school transitions, as well as having to adapt to numerous placement shifts.
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